[ad_1]
ISLAMABAD: Former Prime Minister Imran Khan has gone from being the chosen one to being a thorn in the side of Pakistan’s military – long seen as the country’s political power brokers.
His arrest this week – after further criticism of a senior intelligence officer – marks an escalation in the duel between Khan’s staggering popularity and the army’s vast influence.
“What he did was say the quiet parts out loud and break some taboos about directly criticizing Pakistan’s establishment and its military in particular,” said Elizabeth, the analyst. Threlkeld at the US-based Stimson Center.
“Now that this genie is out of the bottle, it is proving very difficult – if not impossible – to get him back,” she told AFP.
Pakistan’s military has staged three coups since independence in 1947, has ruled the country outright for more than three decades, and continues to wield enormous influence in domestic politics.
when Khan Many political leaders and analysts rose to power in 2018 after winning voters fed up with the dynastic politics of Pakistan’s two main parties, and many political leaders and analysts said it was with the blessing of the military establishment.
Likewise, his overthrow last April through a parliamentary vote of no confidence came only after a dispute with senior officers in the world’s sixth largest army.
The relationship began to deteriorate after Khan’s bid for a greater say in foreign policy, as well as a confrontation with the military over the delay in approving the appointment of a new intelligence chief.
But in his campaign for a return to power, the 70-year-old broke with political convention and directly criticized retired and serving officers.
Threlkeld said the hugely popular Khan “doesn’t feel beholden to the same benefactors” who might have enjoyed past prime ministers.
After ousting the former cricket star, his successor appointed Shahbaz Sharif as the new head of the army – widening the feud with Khan by choosing a man who had a reputation for breaking up with him when he was in office.
Sharif’s government has also drafted new regulations to shield the army from criticism.
In February, Islamabad proposed punishing those who mock the military with up to five years in prison. In March, media reports indicated that it was taking action to curb criticism on social media.
However, Khan has steadily stepped up his attacks over the past year, culminating in bomb allegations after the assassination attempt in November, which saw Khan shot in the leg while campaigning.
Khan alleged that a senior intelligence officer, Major General Faisal Naseer, was in cahoots with Sharif in planning the attack.
“Maybe he thought that by pressuring and criticizing the army, the army would back down from supporting the current government,” the analyst said. Hasan Askari.
“It’s a risky strategy,” he told AFP.
Khan did not provide evidence for his allegations of the assassination plot.
This weekend, he repeated the allegations, prompting the army’s public relations wing to raise the stakes with a rare public rebuke, calling his remarks “fabricated and malicious.”
A day later, the paramilitary Rangers swarmed Khan and he was arrested in the Islamabad High Court where he appeared to be facing a corruption case.
“The timing of the arrest is remarkable,” he said. Michael KugelmanDirector of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center.
“The army high command is not interested in mending the rift between itself and Khan, and so this arrest is likely to send the message that the gloves are pretty much off.”
Supporters of Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party raised the stakes by attacking military targets – burning the corps commander’s headquarters in Lahore and attacking the entrance to the army headquarters in Rawalpindi.
In Peshawar, a mob tore down the Shagi Monument – a statue in the shape of a mountain honoring the site of Pakistan’s first nuclear test, while several memorials to service personnel killed on active duty were also vandalized.
On the streets of major cities, footage on social media showed some supporters of the movement attacking army vehicles while performing their security duty, and trying to beat soldiers with sticks.
“The long-term future of democracy at this stage looks very uncertain in Pakistan,” Al-Askari warned.
His arrest this week – after further criticism of a senior intelligence officer – marks an escalation in the duel between Khan’s staggering popularity and the army’s vast influence.
“What he did was say the quiet parts out loud and break some taboos about directly criticizing Pakistan’s establishment and its military in particular,” said Elizabeth, the analyst. Threlkeld at the US-based Stimson Center.
“Now that this genie is out of the bottle, it is proving very difficult – if not impossible – to get him back,” she told AFP.
Pakistan’s military has staged three coups since independence in 1947, has ruled the country outright for more than three decades, and continues to wield enormous influence in domestic politics.
when Khan Many political leaders and analysts rose to power in 2018 after winning voters fed up with the dynastic politics of Pakistan’s two main parties, and many political leaders and analysts said it was with the blessing of the military establishment.
Likewise, his overthrow last April through a parliamentary vote of no confidence came only after a dispute with senior officers in the world’s sixth largest army.
The relationship began to deteriorate after Khan’s bid for a greater say in foreign policy, as well as a confrontation with the military over the delay in approving the appointment of a new intelligence chief.
But in his campaign for a return to power, the 70-year-old broke with political convention and directly criticized retired and serving officers.
Threlkeld said the hugely popular Khan “doesn’t feel beholden to the same benefactors” who might have enjoyed past prime ministers.
After ousting the former cricket star, his successor appointed Shahbaz Sharif as the new head of the army – widening the feud with Khan by choosing a man who had a reputation for breaking up with him when he was in office.
Sharif’s government has also drafted new regulations to shield the army from criticism.
In February, Islamabad proposed punishing those who mock the military with up to five years in prison. In March, media reports indicated that it was taking action to curb criticism on social media.
However, Khan has steadily stepped up his attacks over the past year, culminating in bomb allegations after the assassination attempt in November, which saw Khan shot in the leg while campaigning.
Khan alleged that a senior intelligence officer, Major General Faisal Naseer, was in cahoots with Sharif in planning the attack.
“Maybe he thought that by pressuring and criticizing the army, the army would back down from supporting the current government,” the analyst said. Hasan Askari.
“It’s a risky strategy,” he told AFP.
Khan did not provide evidence for his allegations of the assassination plot.
This weekend, he repeated the allegations, prompting the army’s public relations wing to raise the stakes with a rare public rebuke, calling his remarks “fabricated and malicious.”
A day later, the paramilitary Rangers swarmed Khan and he was arrested in the Islamabad High Court where he appeared to be facing a corruption case.
“The timing of the arrest is remarkable,” he said. Michael KugelmanDirector of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center.
“The army high command is not interested in mending the rift between itself and Khan, and so this arrest is likely to send the message that the gloves are pretty much off.”
Supporters of Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party raised the stakes by attacking military targets – burning the corps commander’s headquarters in Lahore and attacking the entrance to the army headquarters in Rawalpindi.
In Peshawar, a mob tore down the Shagi Monument – a statue in the shape of a mountain honoring the site of Pakistan’s first nuclear test, while several memorials to service personnel killed on active duty were also vandalized.
On the streets of major cities, footage on social media showed some supporters of the movement attacking army vehicles while performing their security duty, and trying to beat soldiers with sticks.
“The long-term future of democracy at this stage looks very uncertain in Pakistan,” Al-Askari warned.
[ad_2]
