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Two years ago, I asked a senior BJP leader during a conversation what he would do if he had to revive Congress. He answered without hesitation even though India is a young country:
It was initially called the “rubber stamp” of the 80-year-old Gandhi family Congress President Mallikarjun is out, Once seen as a faction leader in Karnataka and considered quite unremarkable as a union minister during the period of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, today he is “bringing” together the scattered threads of the Congress organization to make the party “ek jutt (united)”.
The decision to choose this simple person, despite his vast experience, as the head of congressional leadership came at a time when all seemed lost for the party. Ironically, he was the party’s third choice. Ashok Gehlot was the first choice, but he preferred to continue in Jaipur as Chief Minister of Rajasthan rather than allow Sachin Pilot to take over, which was probably a win-win situation. The second option was Kamal Nath who also preferred to stay in Madhya Pradesh to bid for the CM-ship again in the winter of 2023.
The Gandhi family then turned outside, with many non-Nehru and non-Gandhi claiming the leadership of the party when there was a growing aversion to the entitlement politics that Rahul Gandhi had come to symbolize more than anyone else.
Karg’s push for unity has already yielded results in Karnataka, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan He is already working with the Maharashtra Congress unit. His efforts to keep Siddharamaiah and DK Shivakumar on the same page in the run-up to the Karnataka elections—neither of them attacking the other despite being contenders for the top job—changed the mood of frustrated Congress workers and was a major reason behind this. party victory.
Kharge saw value in elevating Siddarmaiah to CM even though Shivakumar was considered close to him. He was aware of the winning OBC-SC-ST-Muslim combination in the state – it was, after all, under the direction of the late Devraj Urs, the Karnataka Center Director in the 1970s who first designed this hub for Indira Gandhi – the Congress president knew that the SC and STs interact well with smaller OBC groups such as the Kurubas, a community to which Siddaramaiah belongs but are wary of the larger authoritarianism of OBC groups.
Next came Chhattisgarh. after months of tug of war, Bhupesh Baghel and TS Singh Deo, who like Sachin Pilot had been promised by Rahul Gandhi as rotating prime minister, suddenly stood side by side after Singh Deo was appointed deputy prime minister. Bagel and Baba, as Singh Deo is known, were at one time called Viru and Jai of Chhattisgarh (two characters in the popular Hindi film Sholay). But Baghel tightens his grip on the party by playing the Chhattisgarhi card “asmita (identity)” and manages to sideline Baba. Recently, Singh Deo had realized that politics was rapidly being transmitted to the lower castes. He is from a former royal family, the richest KLA, and Thakur at the time while Baghel is the leader of the OBC. Incidentally, Siddaramaiah is the leader of the Kuruba (OBC), Gehlot is a Mali (OBC), and Pilot a Gujjar (OBCs in some states and STs in others).
Baghil knew that Baba would be able to damage the party in about 15 seats in Sargoja district and that the armistice would not bring down his chair. While hailing Baghel as “The Captain”, Baghel congratulates Baba with “Ab mil kar larhenge”, giving Karg another victory to celebrate. The Congress president moved when the balance of power was shifting in the state and handed Singh Deo a fig leaf with dignity.
Such was the case in Rajasthan. Karge was able to convince Pilot that the past could not be undone and that since the future belonged to him his best bet was to participate in Congress. “She told me out,” said the pilot, “and it was as much advice as directives coming from the President of Congress—to forgive, forget, and move on.”
Seeing the visage of Sachin Pilot on TV earlier this week expressing his determination to let go of the past made many sit up. Few believed that this was possible, given the bitterness that existed between him and Jahlut. In the past, CM called his former deputy “Nikama (useless)” and “Treacherous (traitor)”. There was no chance of the Congress returning to power, as the people of Rajasthan often commented, torn as the party was by an open Gehlot-Pilot slugfest.
After the unexpected truce in Rajasthan, Karg turned his attention to Maharashtra and summoned 27 of the state’s top leaders to Delhi this week, the idea being to unite a frustrated party. When the recent split occurred in the National Congress Party (NCP), a person close to Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde quipped, “Take it from me, Maharashtra Congress will split next.” There will probably be a new Congress president in the state, in a new power-sharing formula being worked on, to prepare the party for the Lok Sabha elections.
In the past, Karg has reacted to being called a Dalit by saying he wanted to be recognized on his merit. His Dalit background led the middle castes of Karnataka to ally themselves against the idea of ​​a Dalit CM. Today, as the third Dalit president of the Indian National Congress – after D. Sanjeevaya and Babu Jagjivan Ram – he is not shy about using Dalits as a political tool. In a meeting of about 30 chiefs in Rajasthan, he effectively pulled the Gehlot down for not doing enough about the abuses committed against Dalits in the state. In doing so, he also demonstrated his fair-minded approach to the Pilot and had the desired effect.
Karg takes over as the Congress President when Mayawati’s influence wanes, and with the exception of the local groups, the Dalits are a leaderless community up for grabs. And the Bharatiya Janata Party knows that very well.
Karg is clearly aware of the conduct of the Gandhi family’s exercises on party affairs, and he had Rahul Gandhi attend most of the meetings where crucial decisions were taken. Rahul, too, is seen to take a backseat, allowing Kharghar to play the lead role, a change felt after the Bharat Guddu Yatra. A senior party leader said, “Kharij could keep Gandhi happy and make his mark at the same time.” “He wants to build the Congress party, not just the family,” said a former Congressman.
Karge has already begun to display quiet authority and, in the process, is working to stabilize Congress. His appointment also made it easier for the Congress to engage with other opposition parties, given his age, experience, and accessibility (he sits on the desk of the All India Congress Committee, meeting dozens of party members every day) and the community he belongs to. This makes “social justice forces” like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Janata Dal (United) accept it more readily.
But even as he seeks to close loopholes in the party organization, challenges remain huge for the conference president. Organizational simplification is only the first step in what will be a long way for the party. He will have to put in place an electoral mechanism that does not exist in some states even as many frustrated with the BJP once again look to Congress with renewed interest.
(Neerja Chowdhury, Contributing Editor, The Indian Express, has covered the last 10 Lok Sabha elections)
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